Unwed mothers

Indian mothers parted with their children between the 1970s and 2000s for a number of reasons. Many had to contend with poverty or health limitations affecting themselves (e.g. AIDs) or their children. Sometimes it was because the child was a girl,[FN4 In the Indian literature, reasons given for son preference include inheritance, dowries, patrilocality and the hope that a son and his family would support his parents in their old age.] or because the parents were in prison. However, the most common reason was being an 'unwed mother' – a single woman who was pregnant or had a child.

In the 20th century, in India just like in Switzerland and other European countries, unmarried pregnant women and mothers were labelled 'fallen women'. They were ostracised and faced systemic discrimination. Rashmi Parmar (name changed), an Indian feminist activist, describes their situation in an interview:[FN5 Andrea Abraham, Asha Narayan Iyer, "The Stigmatisation of Unwed Mothers. Ethnographic Research in India", in: Andrea Abraham, Sabine Bitter, Rita Kesselring (ed.), Mother Unknown. Adoption of Children from India in the Swiss Cantons of Zurich and Thurgau, 1973–2002. Zurich 2024, p. 49–68, here p. 52.]

"There was no support system for them. And it wasn’t just the system – the family itself didn’t support them. There was a lot of violence. No emotional support. No empathy. Very cruel. There was a lot of moral judgement. Unwed mothers couldn't become mothers on their own.”

From the 1970s to the early 2000s, the stigmatisation of unwed mothers in the Indian context was linked to patriarchal norms surrounding female sexuality, marriage and motherhood.

Patriarchal structures in India during this time period are heavily shaped by gender stereotypes. The female body bears a great responsibility. It is seen as an instrument for reproduction and the continuation of the male line – and thus has the capacity either to aid or disrupt the survival of the family. Because of this ambivalent role, it is thought women’s behaviour must be restricted and monitored, for example through physical segregation or early marriage.[FN6 Chanana, Karuna (2001), "Hinduism and Female Sexuality: Social Control and Education of Girls in India", Sociological Bulletin 50/1 (2001), p. 37–63.]

The Manusmriti, an ancient Indian text, suggests that female sexuality should only exist within marriage and primarily for the purpose of procreation.[FN7 Kochurani Abraham, Persisting Patriarchy: Intersectionalities, Negotiations, Subversions, New Approaches to Religion and Power, Nashville 2019. With reference to Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Caste, Culture and Hegemony. Social Dominance in Colonial Bengal, New Delhi 2004. / N.M. Naseera and Moly Kuruvilla (2022), "The Sexual Politics of the Manusmriti: A Critical Analysis with Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights Perspectives", Journal of International Women’s Studies, 23/6 (2022), Art. 3.] While India's independence in 1947 had led to significant feminist gains for women’s rights in India, these ancient Indian principles continued to shape people’s lives and relationships.[FN8 Kalpana Bardhan, "Women and Feminism in a Stratified Society. Recent Developments in India”, in: Sally M. Sutherland (ed.), Bridging Worlds. Studies on Women in South Asia, Berkeley 1991, p. 163–201.] The continued prevalence of patriarchal norms including those of patrilineal descent and patrilocality[FN9 Patrilocality is when women move in with their husbands after marriage and are integrated into his family structures. Certain population groups in India, like the Nair caste in Kerala, have historically exhibited egalitarian or even matriarchal gender relations.] meant that women were seen to exist in relation to men: as daughters, wives or mothers.[FN10 Rama Mehta, Socio-Legal Status of Women in India, Delhi 1987.] The extent to which women’s identity was determined by male-dominated structures is illustrated by the example of widowed women. Widows were referred to as ‘prani’ (creature) because their status as a person had depended on their husband. Upon marriage, a woman in certain respects became the property of her husband. If he died, she was considered a ‘socially dead entity’ and her physical existence was shunned by society.[FN11 Meera Khanna, “Widowhood in India: Trauma of Taboos and Tribulations”, in: Mohini Giri (ed.), Living Death. Trauma of Widowhood in India, Delhi 2012, p. 19–49, here p.28.]

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Numerous Indian feminists, authors, artists and filmmakers (Single mothers in films and literature ) have grappled with the norms that have shaped motherhood in their society since India's independence. They fought and are still fighting: 

• for a woman's identity not to be determined by primarily by motherhood
• for women to be able to become mothers outside of marriage and raise their children alone
• for social acceptance of marriages without children
• for children to be valued equally, regardless of their gender

The reality for most women in the 1970s to early 2000s was quite different. To be an unmarried mother was to stray from the norms by which a woman was expected to live her life. Most unmarried mothers could not expect to keep their baby without the support of their parents or a future husband. For the majority of women, the only option was to part with their child – whether by means of abortion,infanticide, [FN12 The Cradle Baby Scheme was introduced in Tamil Nadu in 1991 in response to the high rate of infanticide and was later adopted by other Indian states. This was a prevention programme that allowed parents to hand over their children anonymously to institutions, which then placed the children for adoption.] abandonment or relinquishment for adoption.

The India Today article hints at what Mona's life may have been like following the birth. Because of the stigma attached to unwed mothers, she was unable to return to her family of origin and so began working at the shelter – a place where expectant mothers came and were parted with their children. She would never see her own child again.